Petlyura Simon Vasilievich(Petlyura, Symon; 1879, Poltava, – 1926, Paris), Ukrainian politician, leader of the Ukrainian nationalist movement during the civil war of 1918–20.

Life before the revolution

He studied at an Orthodox theological seminary, from which he was expelled for participating in the Ukrainian revolutionary movement. Emigrated to Lvov.

Since 1900 - a member of the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, then in 1905 - one of the founders of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party. Upon returning to Russia, he worked as a teacher, accountant (in Kuban); collaborated with the Kyiv newspapers Hromadska Dumka and Rada; from 1906 - editor of the newspaper "Slovo".

In 1907, hiding from police persecution, he left for St. Petersburg, then to Moscow; worked as an accountant, participated in the Ukrainian circles “Kobzar” and “Hromada”. In 1907, he wrote a preface to E. N. Chirikov’s play “The Jews” (see), published in Kyiv, where he spoke sympathetically about the national aspirations of the Jewish people. Since 1912 - editor of the newspaper "Ukrainian Life".

In 1914 he was mobilized into the army, and from 1915 he became chairman of the Main Control Commission of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union on the Western Front.

Revolution and civil war

"Pogrom", art. Issachar-Ber Fisherman, 1919

After the February Revolution of 1917, he organized and headed the Ukrainian Front Committee. In May 1917, he was elected to the All-Ukrainian Military Committee of the Central Rada in Kyiv and became its chairman. In the government of the Central Rada he served as secretary (minister) for military affairs.

After the dissolution of the Central Rada and the establishment of the power of Hetman P. Skoropadsky, he headed the Kiev provincial zemstvo and the All-Ukrainian Union of Zemstvos. He joined the uprising against the hetman; from November 1918 - member of the Directory (government) and chief ataman of the troops (commander-in-chief) of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR); from February 1919 - Chairman of the Directory.

Despite the fact that the government of the Directory solemnly proclaimed the policy of national autonomy and granting Jews all national-political rights, and also created the Ministry of Jewish Affairs (see A. Revutsky), the activities of the Directory, which was actually controlled by the “ataman group” led by Petliura , was marked by bloody Jewish pogroms.

The troops of the Directory, retreating in the winter of 1919 under the blows of the White and Red Army, turned into gangs of murderers and robbers, attacking Jews in many cities and towns of Ukraine (Zhitomir, Proskurov and others). According to the Red Cross commission, about fifty thousand Jews were killed during these pogroms.

Petlyura could not (according to numerous testimonies, and did not try) to put an end to the bloody atrocities that his army committed. To one of the Jews’ requests that he take advantage of his power to stop the pogroms and punish the pogromists, Petliura replied: “Don’t quarrel between me and my army.”

Only in July 1919, when it became clear that he would have to ask for help from the democratic countries of the West, Petliura sent a circular telegram to the troops, and in August 1919 he issued an order to the army, sharply condemning the pogroms, declaring that Jews were not enemies of the Ukrainian people , and threatened severe punishment for the rioters. According to Ukrainian nationalist sources, several of the most zealous pogromists were executed. In October 1919, the remnants of Petliura's troops, defeated by the Red Army, fled to Poland.

In 1920, Petlyura entered into an agreement with the Poles on joint military action against Soviet Russia. After the conclusion of peace between Soviet Russia and Poland (1921), Petliura continued to head his government and the remnants of the army in exile.

In exile

Plan
Introduction
1 Biography
2 S. Petlyura in Kuban
2.1 Murder of Petlyura

3 Memory
3.1 State honors
3.2 Streets of Simon Petlyura
3.3 Monuments to Simon Petlyura

4 Film incarnations
Bibliography

Introduction

Simon Vasilievich Petliura (Ukrainian Simon Vasilyovich (Vasiliyovych) Petlyura, May 10 (23), 1879, Poltava, Russian Empire - May 25, 1926, Paris, France) - Ukrainian political and military leader, head of the Directory of the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic) since 1919 to 1920.

1. Biography

Born into a petty-bourgeois family in Poltava. He studied at the Poltava Theological Seminary. In 1900 he joined the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party. He worked as a journalist, adhered to left-wing nationalist views, and was one of the founders and leaders of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labor Party.

During the First World War he worked in "All-Russian Union of Zemstvos and Cities", created in 1914 to help the government of the Russian Empire organize supplies for the army. After the proclamation of the Ukrainian People's Republic, he became the general secretary of military affairs of the new government, but was soon dismissed (according to other sources, he resigned). Defending the right of the Ukrainian people to state independence, he took part in battles against the Red Army. In December 1917, from volunteers, mainly foremen and Cossacks from Kyiv military schools, he formed the military unit of the Gaydamat Kosh, becoming its chieftain.

After the establishment of the dictatorship of Hetman Skoropadsky (Ukrainian State) he was in opposition to the new regime. In November 1918, he took part in the uprising against Skoropadsky; on December 14, his militia occupied Kyiv. The Ukrainian People's Republic was restored, and Vladimir Vinnychenko became its head.

According to the testimony of sister of mercy Maria Nesterovich, after the capture of Kyiv by the Petliurists:

Many officers who were being treated in hospitals were killed, the dump sites were literally filled with officer corpses... On the second day after Petlyura’s invasion, I was informed that the anatomical theater on Fundukleevskaya Street was littered with corpses, that 163 officers were brought there at night. Lord, what did I see! The corpses of those cruelly, brutally, villainously, savagely tortured were stacked on tables in five halls! Not a single one was shot or simply killed, all with traces of monstrous torture. There were pools of blood on the floor, it was impossible to walk through, and almost all of their heads were cut off, many had only their neck with part of their chin left, some had their stomachs ripped open. They carried these corpses around all night. I have never seen such horror even among the Bolsheviks. I saw more, many more corpses, but there were no such tortured ones!... Some were still alive, - the watchman reported, - they were still writhing here... Our windows looked out onto the street. I constantly saw how arrested officers were being led...

Pleshko N. From the past of a provincial intellectual // Archives of the Russian Revolution, 1X, p. 218.

On February 10, 1919, after the resignation of Vinnychenko, Petliura effectively became the sole dictator of Ukraine. In the spring of the same year, trying to stop the Red Army's seizure of the entire territory of Ukraine, he reorganized the UPR army. He conducted active negotiations with the Entente representative office on the possibility of joint action against the Bolshevik army, but did not achieve success.

On April 21, 1920, after the fall of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, Symon Petlyura, on behalf of the UPR, concluded a tactical agreement with Poland on a joint campaign against Kyiv in order to end the Bolshevik occupation of Ukraine. In exchange for support, the UPR agreed to establish a border between Poland and Ukraine along the Zbruch River, thereby recognizing the entry of Galicia into Poland on the basis of autonomy.

Professor of the Jagiellonian University Jan Jacek Bruski, on the pages of the Ukrainian newspaper Den, assessed the Pilsudski-Petliura agreement of 1920 as follows:

An agreement with the Polish government, which at that time had already established good relations with the West, was supposed to contribute, from Petliura’s point of view, to the process of international recognition of Ukraine. Of course, the Ukrainians had a weaker position in these negotiations than the Poles, who had already consolidated their state.

- [ http://www.day.kiev.ua/297052/ Igor SYUNDIUKOV, Nadiya TYSYACHNA, Olesya YASCHENKO, Lyudmila ZHUKOVICH, “The Day”, Denis ZAKHAROV. Piłsudski - Petliura

After the end of the war and the signing of the Riga Peace Treaty, Petliura emigrated to Poland. In 1923, the USSR demanded that Warsaw extradite Petliura, so he moved to Hungary, then to Austria, Switzerland and in October 1924 to France.

2. S. Petlyura in Kuban

While in exile in Kuban at the beginning of the 20th century, S. Petlyura worked here as a teacher and was involved in social activities. In addition, he was F.A. Shcherbina’s assistant in his work on “The History of the Kuban Cossack Army” and for his work received an extremely positive assessment from F.A. Shcherbina. In addition, several of his published works are known in local periodicals and in collections.

2.1. Murder of Petliura

Schwarzbard himself, in his first confessions to the French police, said that he had heard about brutal pogroms from fellow believers whom he met in 1917 on the road from St. Petersburg to Odessa. This is evidenced by publications in the French press of that time: in the newspapers Eco de Paris, Paris-Midi and others. Schwarzbard's lawyer, Henri Thores, a former communist, put forward a different version of the defense: about 15 relatives of Schwarzbard, including parents, killed in Ukraine by Petliurists during the Jewish pogroms (the Jewish Encyclopedia also writes about this). Torres justified Symon Petliura’s personal responsibility for the pogroms of Ukrainian Jews by the fact that Petliura, as head of state, was responsible for everything that happened in the territory he controlled.

Petliura’s associates and relatives presented more than 200 documents at the trial, indicating that Petliura not only did not encourage anti-Semitism, but also harshly suppressed its manifestations in his army. However, they were not taken into account, since lawyer Torres testified that most of them were drawn up after the fact, after the expulsion of the Petliuraites from Ukraine, and none were signed by Petliura personally. Ukrainian historian Dmitro Tabachnik, who devoted several publications to the murder of Petliura, refers to the historian Sh. Dubnov, who claimed that the archives of Berlin contain about 500 documents proving Petliura’s personal involvement in the pogroms. The historian Cherikover spoke similarly at the trial.

The Paris investigation in 1927 also did not take into account the testimony of witness Eliya Dobkovsky, who gave written testimony about the participation in the case of Mikhail Volodin, whom he considered an agent of the GPU (A. Yakovlev’s book “The Parisian Tragedy”). Volodin, having appeared in Paris in 1925, actively collected information about the chieftain, was personally acquainted with Schwartzbard and, according to Dobkovsky, helped him prepare the murder. The involvement of the GPU in organizing the murder of Petliura in 1956 was testified in the US Congress by KGB officer Pyotr Deryabin, who fled to the West. unreputable source? .

Alexander Vertinsky writes in his memoirs about the trial of Schwartzbard: “Of course, there was no hope for acquittal, because the French court acquits only for murder for love or out of jealousy. However, at the trial many voluntary witnesses of this little man appeared, who developed such a picture of the chieftain’s atrocities in Ukraine that the French judges hesitated. Who hasn't passed before the eyes of the judges! There were people here whose fathers and mothers Petlyura shot, raped their daughters, threw babies into the fire... The last witness was a woman.

Are you asking me what this man did to me? - she said, bursting into tears. - Here!.. - She tore her blouse, and the French judges saw that both breasts had been cut off.

Schwartzbard was acquitted. My gypsies were also witnesses. They screamed at the trial and beat their chests, talking about the tortured two brothers, about the horses taken away, about the burned relatives. Their anger was terrible. The girls cried, remembering what they had seen as children. The brothers showed scars - signs of torture. They were barely taken out of the courtroom.” (Alexander Vertinsky “On a Long Road...” Moscow Publishing House “Pravda” 1990, 227 pp.)

Schwarzbard was completely acquitted by a French jury.

According to numerous testimonies from his comrades, Simon Petliura tried as best he could to stop the pogroms and cruelly punished those of his soldiers who took part in them. unreputable source? So, when on March 4, 1919, Petliura’s “ataman” Semesenko, 22 years old, gave his “Zaporozhye Brigade”, stationed near Proskurov, the order to exterminate the entire Jewish population in the city, on March 20, 1920, on Petliura’s orders, he was shot. However, witnesses A. Chomsky and P. Langevin, who spoke at the Schwarzbard trial, testified that the “trial” and “sentence” were staged, and Semesenko himself was secretly released on the orders of Petlyura.

On the eve of the pogrom, Semesenko declared that there would be no peace in the country as long as there was at least one Jew left there. On March 5, the entire “brigade” of 500 people, divided into three detachments, led by officers, entered the city and began beating Jews. They broke into houses and often massacred entire families. Over the course of the whole day, from morning to evening, more than a thousand people were killed, including women and children. They killed exclusively with cold steel. The only person killed by a bullet was an Orthodox priest who, with a cross in his hands, tried to stop the fanatics. A few days later, Semesenko imposed an indemnity of 500 thousand rubles on the city and, having received it, thanked in an order the “Ukrainian citizens of Proskurov” for the support they provided to the “People’s Army”.

Simon Vasilyevich Petlyura - political and military figure, was among the organizers of the Central Rada and the Directory of the Ukrainian People's Republic. Its head since 1919. Along with Lenin and Trotsky, he is a historical character, to whom a lot of space is devoted in the novels, plays and films of our classics of literature and cinema - in particular, such as Mikhail Bulgakov and Alexander Dovzhenko.

Biography of Symon Petliura

Simon Petlyura was born in 1879 in Poltava, into a wealthy family. His father ran a cab company with six carriages. As a boy, he dreamed of glory and laurels as a commander. That’s why he changed his modest name from Semyon to Simon - in honor of the brilliant Simon Bolivar, the South American leader of the national liberation struggle. He studied at the Poltava Theological Seminary. Often students were brought to the Poltava field, told about the victory of the Russian troops and the betrayal of the Ukrainian hetman Mazepa. Not everyone believed. There were those who considered Mazepa a true Ukrainian patriot and hero.

Petliura was expelled from the seminary when, together with his comrades, he staged a demonstration at the rector’s house, accompanied by the singing of the song “Ukraine is Not Dead Yet.” By a paradoxical coincidence, 90 years later this song will become the national anthem of independent Ukraine. The real reason for Petliura’s expulsion from the seminary was his participation in semi-underground social democratic circles. In a sense, Petliura repeats the fates of Lenin and Stalin, without receiving a systematic formal education.

After wandering around the country, being arrested, and working in newspapers, Petlyura becomes a prominent figure in the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labor Party. He moves to St. Petersburg, then to Moscow, serves as an accountant at the Rossiya insurance company and continues to be involved in politics and journalism. Then he still called on Ukrainians to form an alliance with the Russian people. In 1914, he was mobilized into the army, where he was soon appointed one of the functionaries of the Russian Zemstvo Union. Such front-line soldiers were called “zemgusars.”

Activities of Symon Petlyura

In the spring of 1917, Petlyura was already in and headed the military committee of the Central Rada, the Ukrainian parliament put together after the February Revolution in Russia by nationalist parties and circles. His rise to power begins. In 1917, Russian and Ukrainian social democrats became irreconcilable enemies. In December 1917, the All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets declared Ukraine a republic of workers, soldiers and peasants' deputies.

Already in January 1918, the self-appointed parliament – ​​the Central Rada – declared the republic’s independence from Russia. They believed that Bolshevism was alien to the Ukrainian people, that the Bolsheviks were only sowing chaos and discord, that they could keep the republic from sliding into the maelstrom of civil war. As part of the new government, Simon Petlyura is appointed Minister of War. From his name came the name of the motley Ukrainian army - the Petliurists.

At the peak of power, Petlyura had 10 divisions of free Cossacks at his disposal. They were formed from small groups led by atamans, each of whom sought personal benefits in the whirlwind of events of that time. Petliura felt new and adopted everything - yellow-blue banners, long tongues on hats, wide trousers, forgotten military ranks, ancient Cossack songs - in order to inspire new Haidamaks. Petliura strove for dictatorship, wanted to become the leader of the nation - this is where, most likely, his Russophobia stems. He understood perfectly well that in an alliance with Soviet Russia in Ukraine he would be a nobody.

The Central Rada concludes a separate agreement with Germany and Austria-Hungary and returns to Kyiv on the shoulders of the German army, knocking out regular Bolshevik units from there. The Germans replace the Rada with Hetman Skoropadsky, a former tsarist general. It's like old times are coming back. Socialist Petliura raises his troops against Skoropadsky. In the novel “The White Guard,” M. Bulgakov identifies Petliura and the Petliuraites with evil spirits.

In February 1918, Petlyura became the chief ataman, chairman of the new Ukrainian government - the directory. He leaves the ranks of the Social Democratic Party. There was no unity in the ranks of the Petliurists: some units became Bolshevik, some simply scattered, others engaged in robbery and robbery. After the defeat in 1919, Petliura fled to Warsaw and entered into an agreement with Marshal Pilsudski. In exchange for the Ukrainian border regions, the Polish army, together with the Petliurists, marches on Kyiv. During the war years, Kyiv changed hands many times. Only on June 12, 1920, the red units finally and irrevocably captured the city.

Petlyura had to paste on a mustache and take refuge in Poland again. After demands for his extradition, Petlyura and his family moved from Warsaw to Budapest, then to Vienna, from there to Geneva, and finally to Paris. Abandoned by everyone and unwanted by no one, Petliura remains almost exclusively surrounded by his family - his wife and daughter, who will soon die from tuberculosis. Polish intelligence was interested in the anti-Soviet activities of Ukrainian nationalists. They saw Petliura as an important link in this chain.

In May 1926, Petliura was killed by a certain S. Schwardzbard. The motive for the murder is still debated to this day. Some consider Schwartzbard to be a secret agent of the GPU, others - a person close to Makhnovist circles, and others consider his act to be revenge on Petlyura on the part of the White Guard officers. However, one cannot deny the possibility that Petliura was decided to be removed by his own former comrades in the struggle for influence and leadership. The most popular version of Petliura’s murder among historians is the revenge of a single individual for a slaughtered family (Schwarzband was a Jew, and Petliura’s pogroms were particularly cruel).

• Petliura's killer was completely acquitted by the French court thanks to the efforts and support of the Jewish community in Paris.
• Former Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko hatched the idea of ​​​​installing a monument to Petliura, but did not have time to implement it.

Material from Wikipedia - the free encyclopedia

Chief Ataman of the UPR Army and Navy Simon Petlyura in Kamenets-Podilskyi

Simon Vasilyevich Petliura (Ukrainian Simon (Semyon) Vasilyovich (Vasiliyovych) Petlyura, May 10 (22), 1879, Poltava, Russian Empire - May 25, 1926, Paris, France) - Ukrainian military leader, head of the Directory of the Ukrainian People's Republic in 1919-1920 years, Chief Ataman of the Army and Navy.

Born in Poltava. He studied at the Poltava Theological Seminary, from which he was expelled. In 1900 he joined the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party (RUP). He held left-wing nationalist views.

In 1902, Simon Vasilyevich began his journalistic activities in the Literary and Scientific Bulletin. The magazine's building was located in Lviv, which was part of Austria-Hungary. For this period of time, the editor-in-chief of Vestnik was M. S. Grushevsky. Petliura’s first journalistic work was devoted to the state of public education in the Poltava region.

In Kuban

In 1902, fleeing arrest for revolutionary agitation, Petlyura moved to Kuban, where he first gave private lessons in Yekaterinodar, and later worked as a research assistant on the expedition of corresponding member of the Russian Academy of Sciences F. A. Shcherbina, who was engaged in systematization of the Kuban archives Cossack army and worked on the fundamental work “History of the Kuban Cossack Army.” Petlyura’s work received an extremely positive assessment from F.A. Shcherbina himself. At the same time, he taught at the Ekaterinodar City Primary School, published in local magazines, and collaborated with the Lviv magazines “Good News” and “Trud”. Several of his published works are known both in local periodicals and in collections of articles. At the same time, his research on the history of Kuban was published in the Literary and Scientific Bulletin.

The last Prime Minister of the Kuban People's Republic, Vasily Ivanis, wrote in 1952 about Petliura's outstanding diligence and hard work when working in the Kuban archives and his contribution to their study.

Among his journalistic works there is an article about the famous Kuban historian, first secretary of the Kuban Statistical Committee, chairman of the Caucasian Archaeographic Commission E. D. Felitsyn, with whom Petlyura was personally acquainted.

Petliura stayed in Kuban for no more than two years. Continuing his revolutionary activities, he organized a RUP cell in Yekaterinodar - the Black Sea Free Community, and set up a secret printing house in his house to produce anti-government leaflets. All this led to his arrest in December 1903. Only in March of the following year, on the basis of a fictitious certificate of illness, he was released “on bail” on cash bail and was kept under special police supervision, and later was forced to leave Kuban. Petlyura subsequently dedicated a number of his works to Kuban, published in both journalistic and scientific publications.

Much later, in 1912, Petlyura, having become the editor of the magazine “Ukrainian Life”, published a number of publications about Kuban, the authors of which were both himself and the Kuban correspondents of the magazine.

Returning to Kyiv, he became involved in the secret work of the RUP, gradually gaining more and more influence in the organization. Fleeing from police persecution, in the fall of 1904 he was forced to emigrate to Lvov, where he edited the magazines of the Republican Unitary Enterprise “Selyanin” and “Trud”, collaborated with the publications “Volya”, “Literary and Scientific Bulletin”, established contacts with I. Franko, M . S. Grushevsky and others, which contributed to the deepening of his socio-political and scientific interests. Without receiving a formal education, here he, however, attended a course at the Ukrainian Underground University, where the best representatives of the Ukrainian intelligentsia of Galicia taught.

The amnesty of 1905 allowed Petliura to return to Kyiv, where he took part in the Second Congress of the RUP. After the split of the RUP and the creation of the USDRP, S. Petlyura joined its Central Committee. In January 1906, he went to St. Petersburg, where he edited the USDLP monthly “Free Ukraine”, but in July he returned to Kiev, where, on the recommendation of M. S. Grushevsky, he worked as secretary of the editorial office of the newspaper “Council”, published by the Radical Democratic Party, subsequently in the journal “Ukraine”, and from 1907 - in the legal journal of the USDRP “Slovo”. In the fall of 1908, Petlyura again found himself in St. Petersburg, where he worked for the magazines “Mir” and “Education”.
By this time he had already become a fairly well-known journalist and writer.

In 1911, Petliura married and moved to Moscow, where he worked as an accountant in an insurance company and, on a voluntary basis, until 1914, edited the magazine “Ukrainian Life,” which was in fact the only Ukrainian (Russian-language) socio-political magazine in pre-revolutionary Russia. It is his work in Moscow that will give his opponents a reason to accuse him of Russophilia (for example, V. K. Vinnichenko later wrote that the main direction of the work of the magazine “Ukrainian Life” was “propaganda among Ukrainians of the slogan “Fight for Russia to the bitter end””) . The editorial manifesto-declaration “War and Ukrainians” about the attitude of Ukrainians to the beginning of the World War, published by Petlyura in “Ukrainian Life”, was especially sharply criticized, which indicated that Ukrainians choose the side of Russia and will honestly defend their land - it was in this difficult time that Ukraine must declare itself so as not to remain outside the sphere of Russian interests..

World War I. February Revolution

Already in 1914, Petliura foresaw radical changes in the life of the Ukrainian people, about which he wrote in the article “On the practical tasks of Ukrainianism”: “We are definitely experiencing a period of growth of Ukrainianness, its transformation into a social force, into a real factor in the state life of Russia. Spontaneous manifestations of Ukrainianness are increasingly inferior to planned acts of national self-awareness, cemented by organized forms and performances that have gone through a long path of preparatory, deliberate and conscious work.”

At the beginning of 1916, Petliura enlisted in the All-Russian Union of Zemstvos and Cities, created in 1914 to help the government of the Russian Empire organize supplies for the army. Its employees wore military uniforms and were called “Zemgusars.” This was a contemptuous nickname that front-line officers used to call employees of the Union of Zemstvos and Cities who worked in the rear to supply troops.

In this work, Petliura had to communicate a lot with the masses of soldiers, imbued with their sentiments, and managed to gain popularity among the military. It was thanks to his energetic activities that after the February Revolution, Ukrainian military councils were created on the Western Front - from regiments to the entire front.
Petlyura’s authority and respect among soldiers and social activity promoted him to leadership of the Ukrainian movement in the army. In April 1917, he initiated and organized the Ukrainian Congress of the Western Front in Minsk. The congress created the Ukrainian Front Rada, and Petliura was chosen as its chairman.

As the chairman of the front-line Rada and the representative of Zemgora, Petliura was delegated to the All-Ukrainian National Congress convened by the Central Rada (held April 6-8 (19-21). Further events forced him to stay in Kyiv.

Proclamation of the UPR

After the proclamation of the Ukrainian People's Republic, he became the general secretary of military affairs of the new government, but was soon dismissed for the collapse of his work (according to other sources, he left himself). Participated in battles against the Red Guards. In December 1917, from volunteers, mainly foremen and Cossacks from Kyiv military schools, he formed the military unit of the Gaydamat Kosh, becoming its chieftain.

After the creation of the Ukrainian state, Hetman Skoropadsky was in opposition to the new regime. In November 1918, he took part in the uprising against Skoropadsky; on December 14, his militia occupied Kyiv. The Ukrainian People's Republic was restored, and Vladimir Vinnychenko became its head.

On February 10, 1919, after the resignation of Vinnychenko, Petliura actually became the sole ruler of Ukraine. In the spring of the same year, trying to stop the Red Army’s seizure of the entire territory of Ukraine, he reorganized the UPR army. He conducted active negotiations with the Entente representative office on the possibility of joint action against the Bolshevik army, with the establishment of a French protectorate in Ukraine, but did not achieve success.

On April 21, 1920, after the fall of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, Symon Petlyura, on behalf of the UPR, concluded an agreement with Poland on a joint campaign against Kyiv, with the aim of expelling Soviet troops. In exchange for support, the UPR agreed to establish a border between Poland and Ukraine along the Zbruch River, thereby recognizing the entry of Galicia and Volyn into Poland.

Professor of the Jagiellonian University Jan Jacek Bruski, on the pages of the Ukrainian newspaper Den, assessed the Pilsudski-Petliura agreement of 1920 as follows:

An agreement with the Polish government, which at that time had already established good relations with the West, was supposed to contribute, from Petliura’s point of view, to the process of international recognition of Ukraine. Of course, the Ukrainians had a weaker position in these negotiations than the Poles, who had already consolidated their state.

In exile

After the defeat and expulsion of the Polish-Petliura troops from Ukraine, the Riga Peace Treaty was signed, and Petliura emigrated to Poland. In 1923, the USSR demanded that Warsaw extradite Petliura, so he moved to Hungary, then to Austria, Switzerland and in October 1924 to France.

Murder of Petliura

Schwarzbard himself, in his first confessions to the French police, said that he had heard about brutal pogroms from fellow believers whom he met in 1917 on the road from St. Petersburg to Odessa. This is evidenced by publications in the French press of that time: in the newspapers Eco de Paris, Paris-Midi and others. Schwarzbard's lawyer, Henri Torres, put forward a different version of the defense: about 15 Schwarzbard relatives, including parents, killed in Ukraine by Petliurists during the Jewish pogroms (the Jewish Encyclopedia also writes about this). Torres justified Symon Petliura’s personal responsibility for the pogroms of Ukrainian Jews by the fact that Petliura, as head of state, was responsible for everything that happened on the territory he controlled.

Petliura’s associates and relatives presented more than 200 documents at the trial, indicating that Petliura not only did not encourage anti-Semitism, but also harshly suppressed its manifestations in his army. However, they were not taken into account, since lawyer Torres testified that most of them were drawn up after the fact, after the expulsion of the Petliuraites from Ukraine, and none were signed by Petliura personally.

Ukrainian historian Dmitry Tabachnik, who devoted several works to the murder of Petliura, refers to the Jewish historian Semyon Dubnov, who claimed that the archives of Berlin contain about 500 documents proving Petliura’s personal involvement in the pogroms. The historian Cherikover spoke similarly at the trial.

The Paris investigation in 1927 did not take into account the testimony of witness Eliya Dobkovsky, who gave written testimony about the participation in the case of Mikhail Volodin, whom he considered an agent of the GPU (A. Yakovlev’s book “The Parisian Tragedy”). Volodin, having appeared in Paris in 1925, actively collected information about the chieftain, was personally acquainted with Schwartzbard and, according to Dobkovsky, helped him prepare the murder. The involvement of the GPU in organizing the murder of Petliura in 1926 was testified in the US Congress by OGPU employee Pyotr Deryabin, who fled to the West [unauthorized source?].

Schwarzbard was completely acquitted by a French jury.

According to his comrades-in-arms, Simon Petlyura tried his best to stop the pogroms and cruelly punished those who took part in them. For example, on March 4, 1919, Petlyura’s “ataman” Semesenko, twenty-two years old, gave his “Zaporozhye Brigade”, stationed near Proskurov, the order to exterminate the entire Jewish population in the city - Semesenko, on the eve of the pogrom, declared that there would be no peace in the country until There will be at least one Jew left there. On March 5, the entire “brigade” of 500 people, divided into three detachments, led by officers, entered the city and began killing Jews. They broke into houses and often massacred entire families.
Over the course of the whole day, from morning to evening, more than a thousand people were killed, including women and children. They killed exclusively with cold steel. The only person killed by a bullet was an Orthodox priest who, with a cross in his hands, tried to stop the fanatics. A few days later, Semesenko imposed an indemnity of 500 thousand rubles on the city and, having received it, thanked in an order the “Ukrainian citizens of Proskurov” for the support they provided to the “People’s Army”.

However, witnesses A. Chomsky and P. Langevin, who spoke at the Schwarzbard trial, testified that the “trial” and “sentence” were staged, and Semesenko himself was secretly released on the orders of Petlyura.

The killer of Simon Petliura, anarchist SHVARTZBURD, comes from Izmail.

Shulem-Shmil Schwarzbard (also known as Shulim Shvartsburd, Sholem-Shmuel Schwarzbard and Sholom Schwarzbard: fr. Samuel (Sholom Schwarzbard; August 18, 1886, Izmail, Bessarabia Governorate - March 3, 1938, Cape Town, South Africa) - Jewish poet, publicist and an anarchist who killed Simon Petlyura and was acquitted by a French court. He wrote in Yiddish under the pseudonym “Bal-Haloymes” (Dreamer).

Shulem-Shmil Shvartsburd was born in the provincial Bessarabian town of Izmail, located on the banks of the Danube, in 1886. He lived with his family in Balta, where he early became interested in anarchist ideas, was arrested several times and took part in the First Russian Revolution, after the suppression of which he left Russia. For some time he lived in Romania, Lemberg, Budapest, Vienna, Italy, and in 1910 he settled in Paris, where he worked as a watchmaker. With the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, together with his brother, he joined the French Foreign Legion (Legion Estrangere), participated in hostilities for three years, distinguished himself, and was awarded the Order of the Combat Cross (Croix de Guerre), the highest award of the legion.

In 1917 - after being seriously wounded during the Battle of the Somme and undergoing treatment - he was demobilized and after the February Revolution, in August he and his wife returned to Russia. At first he worked as a watchmaker in Balta, but in January 1919 in Odessa he joined the Red Army and until mid-1920 he participated in the fighting of the Civil War in Ukraine in the ranks of the Kotovsky brigade. After the suppression of the political opposition, however, he became disillusioned with Soviet power and again left for Paris, where he opened a watch workshop. It soon became clear that all members of his family (15 people in total) were killed during the wave of Jewish pogroms that swept across Ukraine in 1918-1920.

Rudata.ru›wiki/Samuil_Isaakovich_Shvartsburd

In 1925, I learned from the newspapers about the stay of Simon Petlyura in Paris, who in those years in Jewish circles was widely considered responsible for the mass atrocities committed by the troops under his command in Ukraine. During the massacres and violence against the Jewish population of Ukraine during the Civil War, at least 50 thousand people were killed, more than 300 thousand children were left orphans. A number of historians believe that the real numbers were higher (more than one and a half thousand Jews were brutally murdered in the notorious Proskurov pogrom of 1919 alone), and although Petlyura, apparently, did not personally give any orders in this regard, to prevent the atrocities of his subordinates he did not consider it necessary.

On May 25, 1926, at the corner of Boulevard Saint-Michel and Rue Racine, Schwarzbard approached Petlyura, who was looking at a shop window, and, making sure in Ukrainian that it was indeed Simon Petlyura in front of him, shot him three times with a revolver, after which he calmly waited for the police to arrive and surrendered. weapon and announced that he had just shot a murderer. Petliura died nearby, at the Charity Hospital on Rue Jacob, fifteen minutes after his arrival.

Schwartzbard's trial began a year and a half later on October 18, 1927, and received wide publicity. Famous people of various persuasions stood up for the defendant, including philosopher Henri Bergson, writers Romain Rolland, Henri Barbusse, Maxim Gorky, physicists Albert Einstein and Paul Langevin, politician Alexander Kerensky and others; The preparation of expert materials for the defense was carried out by the former Prime Minister of Hungary Mihaly Károlyi. The defense was led by the famous French lawyer Henri Torrez. Eight days later (October 26), Schwartzbard was acquitted by a majority of the jury and immediately released from La Sante prison, within the walls of which he spent a year and a half of preliminary investigation. Already in the same 1927, in Schwarzbard’s homeland in Bessarabia, a book of reports on the progress of the trial was published in Yiddish in two editions (3. Rosenthal Der Schwarzbard-Process - Schwarzbard Process. Undzer Zeit: Chisinau, 1927) - the first in a series of books on this topic that will be published in different countries and in different languages.

In 1938, Sholom Schwartzbard died suddenly of a heart attack in Cape Town.

Izmail-city.org›articles/1540-shvarcburd

The purpose of this article is to find out how the death (execution) of SIMON PETLYURA is included in his FULL NAME code.

Watch "Logicology - about the fate of man" in advance.

Let's look at the FULL NAME code tables. \If there is a shift in numbers and letters on your screen, adjust the image scale\.

16 22 41 53 84 101 102 120 130 143 158 172 175 176 194 204 216 245 251 254 264 288
P E T L Y R A S I M O N VA SIL EVICH
288 272 266 247 235 204 187 186 168 158 145 130 116 113 112 94 84 72 43 37 34 24

18 28 41 56 70 73 74 92 102 114 143 149 152 162 186 202 208 227 239 270 287 288
S I M O N V A S I L EVICH P E T L Y R A
288 270 260 247 232 218 215 214 196 186 174 145 139 136 126 102 86 80 61 49 18 1

PETLURA SIMON VASILIEVICH = 288 = 63-DEAD + 225-SHOT AT point blank range.

We read: 16 = GIB...; 22 = GIBE...; 34 = DEATH...; 63 = DEATH.

We will find this number if we divide the code of the letter “N” in the word SIMON, equal to 14, by 2. 14: 2 = 7.

SIMO... = 56 = EXECUTED + 7 = 63 = DEATH.

VASILYEVICH PETLURA = 218 = \ 102-PETLURA, SHOT + 116-VASILIEVICH-\ SHOT \ + 7 = 225 = SHOT AT point blank range.

225-SHOT AT BLOCK BLOCK - 63-DEATH = 162 = ENDED HIS CENTURY.

288 = BULLETS FIRED FROM A NAGAN.

288 = 102-SHOT + 186-DEATH OF ORGANISM.

288 = 204-\ 102-SHOT + 102-DEATH\ + 84-ORGANISM.

288 = 186-\ 69-END + 117-QUICK...\ + 102-DEATH.

186 - 102 = 84 = SUDDEN.

288 = 74-MASSACRE + 214-KILLED AT POINT POINT FROM A NAGAN.

214 - 74 = 140 = INTO THE HEART.

Quick reading of the FULL NAME code:

VASILIEVICH PETLURA = 218-SHOT BY A BULLET - SIMON = 70-SHOOT\, EXECUTED\\ = 148.

148 = END OF LIFE.

SIMON VASILIEVICH = 186-\ 69-END + 117-QUICK... \ - 102 = PETLURA-\ DEATH, SHOT \ = 84.

84 = SUDDEN.

PETLURA SIMON = 172-\ 102-SHOT + 70-EXECUTED\ - VASILYEVICH = 116-SHOT\ = 56.

56 = EXECUTED.

288 = 232\ 84-SUDDEN + 148-END OF LIFE\ + 56-EXECUTED.

232 - 56 = 176 = HEART DAMAGE.

Let's decipher individual columns:

102 = SHOT
_____________________________
187 = SHOT IN REVENGE

70 = STUNNED \ = EXECUTED \

232 = SUDDEN END OF LIFE

232 - 70 = 162 = ENDED ITS CENTURY.

176 = HEART DAMAGE
________________________________
113 = KILLED DIRECTLY

176 - 113 = 63 = DEATH.

56 = EXECUTED
_____________________________________
247 = INTENTIONAL MURDER

56 = EXECUTED
________________________________________
247 = 102-SHOOT + 145-DIED

247 - 56 = 191 = 102-SHOOT + 89-DEATH.

216 = 97-MURDER + 119-DENIED LIFE
___________________________________________
84 = SUDDEN

216 - 84 = 132 = DEATH.

DEATH DATE code: 05/25/1926. This = 25 + 05 + 19 + 26 = 75 = REVENGE = INTERRUPTED \ life \ = HEART.

288 = 75-HEART + 213-SUDDEN SHOOTING IN...

288 = 213-SUDDEN SHOOTING IN... + 75-HEART.

213 - 75 = 138 = COMPLETION OF LIFE\ and\.

220 = 66-KILLED + 154-SHOT DOWN.

Full DATE OF DEATH code = 220-TWENTY-FIFTH OF MAY + 45-\19 + 26\-(YEAR OF DEATH code) = 265.

265 = 120-END OF LIFE + 145-DIED.

288 = 265 + 23-OUTSIDE\.

Code for the number of full YEARS OF LIFE = 76-FORTY + 66-SEVEN = 142 = KILLED FROM NAGAN\a\.

288 = 142-FORTY SEVEN + 146-SHOT IN THE HEART.

288 = 143-KILLED FROM NAGAN + 145-DIED.

Let's look at the column:

176 = 63-DEATH + 113-KILLED DIRECTLY
__________________________________________
113 = FORTY SEVEN \ = KILLED DIRECTLY

(May 10, 1879, Poltava, – May 25, 1926, Paris). Born into a family of philistines, descended from Cossacks. In the theological seminary (Poltava) he was a member of the political circle, which later became the core of the Poltava organization of the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party (RUP). Member of the RUP since 1900. In 1901 he was expelled from the seminary. Hiding from the police, in 1902 he moved to Yekaterinodar, in December 1903 he was arrested as a member of the Black Sea Free Society (Kuban organization of the RUP). In March 1904, after being released on bail, he went to Kyiv, then to Lvov to study at the university. Conducted party organizational work, participated in editing the organ of the Republican Unitary Enterprise "Selyanin". In January 1906, he was a delegate of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labor Party (USDRP, former RUP) at the congress of the Galician Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP). Editor and contributor to a number of Ukrainian publications. Political persecution forced Petliura to move to Moscow, where he served as an accountant at the Rossiya insurance company. Together with A. Salikovsky, he edited the magazine "Ukrainian Life" (in Russian, 1912-17). With the beginning of the First World War, he published an appeal “War and Ukrainians”, in which he refuted the opinion about the allegedly “Austrian orientation” of Ukrainians in Russia, indicated that Ukrainians “will fulfill the duty of citizens of Russia in this difficult time to the end...”, called on state and military circles towards “a tolerant attitude towards the Ukrainian population of Austria-Hungary” as “part of the national Ukrainian whole connected with Russia” (“Ukrainian Life”, 1914, No. 7). From 1916 to March 1917, deputy commissioner of the Union of Zemstvos on the Western Front.

After the February Revolution of 1917, in April he was elected chairman of the Ukrainian Front Council of the Western Front (Minsk). On April 4–5, he participated in the conference of the USDRP, which decided to support the Provisional Government, the principle of the federal structure of the Russian Republic and confirmed the party’s demand for “autonomy of Ukraine as the first, urgent, urgent task... of the proletariat and all of Ukraine” (Doroshenko D., History of Ukraine, 1917 – 1928 pp., vol. 1, Uzhgorod, 1932, p. 51). The Ukrainian Council of the Western Front delegated Petlyura to the 1st Ukrainian Military Congress (May 18-21, Kyiv). The Congress created the General Military Committee under the Central Rada, which was headed by Petliura; adopted a resolution to preserve the front and proclaimed the immediate Ukrainization of the army on a national-territorial basis. On June 28, the Central Rada created an executive body - the General Secretariat. Petliura was appointed General Secretary of Military Affairs, but the Provisional Government did not approve this post. Petlyura, like other leaders of the USDRP who determined the military policy of the Central Rada, saw in the regular army an instrument of domination of the bourgeois classes. Petliura’s activities did not go further than the Ukrainization of units in the Russian army, as he was afraid of deepening the contradictions between the Rada and the Provisional Government, which could have a negative impact on the declaration of autonomy of Ukraine and contribute to “the rupture of the united revolutionary front.” He was elected a member of the Constituent Assembly.

After the October armed uprising in Petrograd, at a closed meeting (October 25) of the Malaya Rada, the Ukrainian General Military Committee, the All-Ukrainian Council of the Republic of Dagestan, the Kyiv Council of the Republic of Dagestan and other public organizations, the Regional Committee for the Protection of the Revolution in Ukraine was formed, to which all the forces of revolutionary democracy were subordinate; Petlyura entered it. On November 15, the Central Rada appointed him Secretary General of Military Affairs of Ukraine. On the same day, Petlyura informed the General Headquarters of the Russian Army, military units and institutions that military power in Ukraine, with the exception of the front, had passed into his hands. By order of Petlyura, from December 1, Ukrainized military units located outside of Ukraine (in the Moscow and Kazan Military Districts) were reassigned to local Ukrainian military councils, and in Petrograd to the Ukrainian Petrograd Military Headquarters with the aim of returning to Ukraine. In an effort to prevent further Bolshevisation of troops and an uprising on the territory of Ukraine, on the night of November 30 to December 1, on the orders of Petliura, many units of the Russian army stationed in Ukraine were disarmed, and the soldiers were sent to Russia. At the same time, the General Secretariat addressed the emerging governments of Moldova, Crimea, Bashkiria, the Caucasus, Siberia, the South-Eastern Cossack Union and others with a proposal to form, in contrast to the government of Soviet Russia, an All-Russian Federal Government. The Don government, in agreement with Petliura, sent Ukrainian units to Ukraine and received reinforcements for the troops of General A.M. Kaledin, transported through the territory of Ukraine. This was the main reason for Lenin’s “Manifesto to the Ukrainian people with ultimatum demands to the Ukrainian Rada” written on December 3 and transmitted on the night of December 4 by telephone and the military actions of Soviet troops against the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR). On December 4, after receiving the manifesto of the Council of People's Commissars at the Congress of Soviets of the RSKD of Ukraine in Kyiv, Petliura, without reading its text, stated: “... the Bolsheviks are preparing a stab in the back for the Ukrainian People's Republic, they are concentrating their army in Volyn, Gomel and Bryansk to go on a campaign to Ukraine. Thus, the Ukrainian government is forced to take measures for defense and call on the Free Cossacks to help the army" (Doroshenko D., cited essay, p. 221). At the same time, V.K. Vinnichenko and Petlyura addressed an appeal “To the army of the Ukrainian (Southwestern and Romanian) front and rear,” which indicated that the General Secretariat had taken measures to reorganize the army on new democratic principles. The political leadership of the Central Rada suspected the intentions of a right-wing coup by the senior officers of the former tsarist army, who offered their services to the UPR. Petlyura disbanded and sent the 1st Ukrainian Corps of General P.P. to the front. Skoropadsky, to whom parts of the Free Cossacks joined. An adherent of the Entente orientation, Petlyura, after the decision of the Central Rada to join the peace negotiations in Brest-Litovsk and invite German and Austro-Hungarian troops to Ukraine, and also due to disagreements with the head of government Vinnychenko, resigned on December 31.

In January 1918 he went to the Left Bank, where he created the “Ukrainian Gaidamak Kosh of Sloboda Ukraine”. In January–February, Gaydamat Kosh under the command of Petlyura, together with the Sich Riflemen, played a major role in the battles for Kyiv and in localizing the Bolshevik uprising. Having been defeated in battles with the troops of M.A. Muravyov near Krutami and Kiev, the Ukrainian units retreated to the west. After the conclusion of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, German and Austro-Hungarian troops arrived in Ukraine. Assessing this event, Petliura wrote in 1925: “We only need to remember one thing: if the Central Rada had not called the Germans, would they have come to us? The Germans were a very big force then... And since they knew well that there is no longer a front, and in Ukraine there is also neither a large, disciplined army, nor a firm government, then their road to us will be free: no one will stop" (quoted from the book: Simon Petliura. 3b. studio-scientific conference in Paris, Munich - Paris, 1980, p. 31). In April, Petlyura was elected head of the Kyiv provincial zemstvo and the All-Ukrainian Union of Zemstvos. After the hetman's coup (April 29) and the dispersal of the Central Rada, the new administration launched persecution of democratic zemstvos and self-government, arrests and punitive expeditions began against the peasantry involved in the destruction of landowners' estates. The All-Ukrainian Union of Zemstvos, headed by Petliura, was in open opposition to the government of P.P. Skoropadsky. In May, a memorandum signed by Petliura was sent to the German, Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian ambassadors to the Ukrainian State, which stated violations of democratic freedoms by the state authorities, drew attention to punitive actions against the Ukrainian peasantry, arrests and harassment of political and zemstvo leaders. On June 16, the All-Ukrainian Zemstvo Congress adopted a document sent to Skoropadsky, which emphasized that “further continuation by the highest authorities of anti-democratic, anti-national and anti-state policies threatens with grave consequences and excludes any possibility of cooperation between people’s self-government and this government” (Khristyuk P., Notes and materials to history of the Ukrainian revolution, 1917-1920 pp., vol. 3, Viden, 1921, p. 83). On July 27, 1918, Petlyura was arrested on suspicion of an anti-government conspiracy, released on November 13, and the next day he went to Bila Tserkva, from where he led an armed uprising against the hetman’s regime. He was elected a member of the Directory in Kyiv (in absentia) and led the UPR army.

After the retreat of the UPR troops on February 4, 1919 from Kyiv and the resignation of Vinnychenko, Petlyura became the Head of the Directory (February 11, 1919), simultaneously leaving the USDRP. Petlyura’s attitude towards Bolshevik Russia, as well as towards the “single indivisible” Russia that the leaders of the “White movement” sought to restore, was negative. “There is no difference for us between tsarist Russia and modern communist Russia, for both of them represent only different forms of Moscow despotism and imperialism. The ideal of Ukrainian statehood cannot be squeezed into the narrow framework of a federation, confederation, much less autonomy, neither with Russia nor with anyone be that as it may,” Petliura later wrote (quoted from: Oleksandr Lototsky, Simon Petliura, Viden, 1936, p. 14).

In October 1920, together with the government of the UPR, he emigrated to Poland; After urgent demands from the USSR to hand him over to the Soviet authorities, Petliura moved to Budapest at the end of 1923, and then to Vienna and Geneva, and at the end of 1924 to Paris. On May 25, 1926, he was killed by S. Schwarzbart, who during the trial accused Petlyura of organizing Jewish pogroms in Ukraine.

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